OWNERSHIP IN PUBLIC HEALTH SERVICES: OUR MOST DIFFICULT PROBLEM, OUR GREATEST OPPORTUNITY

Lecture to University of Galway Conference on health equality, 2 July 1999.

I am most grateful to Cecily Kelleher, and honoured by your University, for inviting me and my wife Mary to visit the West coast of Ireland for the first time. 

We are old friends, because Cecily was central director for the UK Medical Research Council’s Thrombosis Prevention Trial,[1] for which our Glyncorrwg and Blaengwynfi practices, and our research team, led by Mary, provided one of the two pilot sites for that large multicentre trial.

In 1986, when the pilot trial began, its feasibility was a real question.  We had to ask men aged 45-64 first to accept screening to identify the top 20% of coronary risk.  We then had to ask men thus identified to accept randomisation either to treatment with low dose warfarin, or to placebo.  Aspirin was introduced later as another variable, using a Latin square design, but at first the choice was simply between warfarin and placebo.  Because this was a double blind trial, we had to ask them to accept that staff would not know which group they had been randomised to, and that both groups, would have to be subjected to venepunctures at least once every three months, for at least five years.  Finally, we had to explain to them the nature of this trial in simple terms allowing them a truly informed choice.  This entailed calling a spade a spade, or in this case, calling warfarin rat poison, which in lay terms indeed it is.  This frankness proved fortunate. One of our first triallists was the Council Rodent Officer for Blaengwynfi.

One year after the pilot trial began, 85% of this target group was participating.  Our men entered the trial for five years, but because five years later the MRC was still recruiting more practices from its General Practice Research Framework (GPRF), our men ended up serving 12 years in the cause of science, not five.  This could easily have been anticipated, had anyone, including me, thought further ahead from the standpoint of its participants, rather than its staff.  In research as in clinical medicine, always the same dominant mistake, and always the same dominant remedy: listen to the patient.

As these 12 years rolled by, expected terminating events picked men from the trial one by one.  The first death taught all of us, both participants and staff, how important it was to respect and enforce the trial’s double-blind design.  Had we known from which group the first few deaths came, continued experiment would have been impossible, however obvious it might seem that these could be chance events.  When a participant fell off his horse, suffering fractured ribs and a dangerous haemopneumothorax, everyone, both participants and staff, were sure he must be on warfarin.  When the trial ended, we learned he was on placebo.  To perform experiments well we have to learn that they really are experimental.  We do them not to confirm an answer we already suspect, but to create a useful new answer which does not yet exist.

Both patients and staff learned from personal experience that randomised controlled trials are the surest way to increase our small volume of measurable knowledge, and reduce our still immeasurably vast ignorance.  Both patients and staff learned from personal experience the difference between the certainties of precise engineering, and the measurable doubts of hugely complex, and therefore uncertain human biology.

The results of this trial added significantly to knowledge, owned by the world and accessible to anyone who can use it.  This would have been so, whatever its results, so-called positive or so-called negative.  We knew more about how to help people at the end of the trial, than we did at the beginning.  We added to the cumulative pool of freely shared, publicly owned knowledge.

Here endeth the first lesson.

In retrospect, historians will easily define the year 2000 as an economic and cultural world transition.  Within five or 10 years either side, the leading edge of every economy and culture will move from power-assisted but still dominantly physical labour producing material objects, to mental labour producing knowledge and ideas, with machine production of objects taken for granted.

Virtually all our trial participants were either former coal miners, or came from coal-mining families.  Miners have always known that all manual labour requires mental as well as physical skills.  No clerk or company director would ever have survived long underground, unless they learned very quickly much of which they were previously ignorant.  More slowly, and much more painfully, miners learned that though people who live not from what they own but from what they do, must sell their bodies to an owner for most of their lives, they can and must retain ownership of their minds.  They learned to keep their minds to themselves, to develop ideas and a culture of their own.[2]  With their own brains they learned a lesson which owners are compelled by their ownership to forget: that though a few can advance themselves one by one on the backs of their friends and neighbours, the only sure path for either local communities or entire societies to advance is together in solidarity, sharing social property rather than owning it.  Their motivation to enter and remain in the trial reflected that cultural maturity, and largely explains the difference between the 85% participation rate achieved in our pilot, and the 60% participation reached by the trial as a whole.

Everyone now understands that machines can produce most material objects better than even the most skilled human labour, either by hand or with powered assistance.  Of course, most objects still need some human labour for their production, but the future is already clear: no manual skill is now indispensable, elimination of human labour from every material production process will increase, and even the most skilled manual workers will increasingly.be compelled to defend whatever jobs remain by negotiating their own retreat, as the automated machine army advances irresistibly to occupy the world they had learned to live in.[3] 

The economic and cultural effects on the huge majority of the human race who live from what they do rather than what they own are comparable with the effects of the industrial revolution: For all communities previously engaged in heavy industry they are initially devastating, particularly for male culture.  In every sense, their past strengths suddenly seem useless and irrelevant.  For young men particularly, their inherited basis for self-respect has disintegrated.

Obviously the only growing future for human employment in commodity production must lie in what machines cannot do: that is, production of new knowledge, experimental discovery and design.  This is an area of value production which has only recently begun to be taken seriously as a field for profitable investment.  Even in USA, science-based commodity production still depends on publicly funded universities.  In 1984, pharmaceutical companies provided between 8 and 24% of all collaborative project-specific funding at US universities.  By 1990 the US federal government and the companies each provided about 45% of all pharmaceutical R&D funding.[4]  In USA, commodity production for profit is eating up formerly independent universities, and is now more than halfway through the meal.  However, it will soon find, if it has not found already, that universities must retain their independence, and resist the notion of intellectual property, if they are to produce new knowledge effectively and efficiently.

Production for profit depends on private ownership of property.  Production of knowledge as a commodity for sale, or even as a raw material for production of such commodities, depends on private ownership of intellectual property.  There is an inescapable and absolute contradiction between production of knowledge for the whole world to share, the bedrock of all universities throughout history, and production of knowledge for corporate use, constrained by commercial secrecy and distorted by search for profit.  This presents obvious problems for the integrity and credibility of universities, but it also poses serious problems for corporate industry.  Scientific advance depends on human imagination, modified by collective criticism and free access to all available evidence, and motivated by curiosity and ambition to leave the world better than it was when we entered it.  Of course these qualities require material support, and to the extent that corporate interests concentrate wealth, they must somehow provide that.  The simplest and most cost-effective way to do this is by paying taxes.

Free imagination and open access to knowledge require protection from corporate interests and corporate culture, with public access to knowledge protected from speculators in intellectual property.  Some major players at the centre of life sciences-based industry recognise the necessity of compromise in this field.[5]  A consortium including the Wellcome Trust has set up a two year £28 million program to create a map of genetic markers available free to all researchers, to encourage rational development of new medications.  So in the research field, two entirely different and opposed concepts of intellectual property co-exist, neither entirely at peace, nor openly at war, but hopefully in states of wary mutual respect for the immediately foreseeable future.

Here endeth the second lesson.

For primary care in the UK, and even more so in the Irish Republic, we have a long tradition of public services privately owned and administered.  By funding primary care through GPs’ pockets, governments have ensured a cheap service.  Unfortunately this also ensured gross under-investment, narrow limits to clinical and social imagination among doctors, and stunted development for every other kind of worker in primary care.  For development of hospital care toward rational public health goals, de facto cultural ownership by consultants is still a major difficulty, but at least it’s no longer reinforced by material ownership of hospital beds as a kind of health care shopkeeping.  We have taken hospital care seriously since 1948, so like virtually every other organised human activity, it has been structured, managed, and salaried.  It’s time we took primary care equally seriously.

I have no illusions about why a large majority of our medical civil servants and hospital specialists have long privately supported salaries for GPs.  Most of them want efficient line management, with GPs working to guidelines set by currently fashionable concepts of Evidence-Based Medicine depending only on evidence from a literature dominated by evidence framed within the perspectives of secondary care and laboratory science, almost insensitive to experience from primary care as it has actually had to be practised, and virtually ignoring the evidence brought to clinical decisions by patients.[6]  

UK GPs now generally accept that a salaried service is eventually inevitable.  Independent contractor status is now so tightly managed, allowing so little real independence, that the game’s hardly worth the candle.  But though they see the writing on the wall, very few hasten toward that future.  Like all skilled workers, they want to retain control over their product as long as they can.  They’ve seen ownership of their work and workplace as the only way to defend their autonomy.In this they are mistaken.  What have they gained from their autonomy?  Yes, some could organise practice to maximise profit, but that was at best irrelevant and at worst inimical to their scope for effective clinical decisions, and in any case I don’t believe this provides the main reason for GP resistance in the areas of post-industrial dereliction or rural poverty where even the possibility of salaried service is most likely to arise.  Their real gains were to work in their own way, sensitive to patients’ complex and uniquely personal needs.  They said and believed these attributes would disappear if they ever became part of a salaried public service machine.  Well, they are disappearing, not under pressure from impersonal bureaucrats, but from the ruthless logic of small business based on serious decisions taken at 5-10 minute intervals, using perfunctory evidence.  Hardly any GPs now visit their patients in hospital, though this is valued by patients more than any other single activity.[7] Home visits by GPs in England & Wales fell by 27% between 1981/2 and 1991/2, though the proportion of people over 65 increased by 7% over the same period,[8] and home visits are still falling despite our ageing population. Our shift from single-handed to group practice, essential to make life tolerable for staff and to develop any serious team care, has moved practice away from personal care, so that studies of patients= opinion consistently show preference for single-handed practice despite its obvious limitations.[9] As hospital care becomes increasingly technical, with a wider range of technical options, patients= need for personal advisers and advocates is bound to increase[10], but willingness of GPs in group practice voluntarily to operate personal lists, so that this advice and advocacy can be given, has diminished.[11]

For GPs to regain control over their work, they need to give up their material ownership of the service.  This is because in reality they never performed this work on their own. Health production through primary care - healthier births, lives, and deaths – depends on joint work by two sets of experts, staff and patients.  Optimal effectiveness and efficiency in primary care depend on developing patients as co-producers rather than as consumers.[12]  It follows that for these two groups to achieve a useful sense of ownership and responsibility for their joint work, the resources needed for this must be publicly owned by us all.

In the South Wales valleys this transition is about to begin.  We face a serious and growing crisis of recruitment which can be solved in no other way.  The Going for Gold strategy for salaried primary care[13] has been endorsed by our Health Minister Jane Hutt as a plan for action.  I am now certain this will be endorsed in turn by our new Welsh Assembly.

Going for Gold is much more than a plan for salaried service.  It’s a plan for public ownership of primary care, not as a centrally owned and directed nationalised industry, but as a value-producing but not commodity-producing enterprise owned and operated so far as possible by the community it serves.  Included in its perspective is production of new knowledge through participation in teaching and research, using the cumulative database generated by proactively organised patient care.  Through this we aim to attract new science-based industries to replace coal, using the brains of a population once valued only for its manual skills, and then grudgingly.

Is all this possible? Till we’ve done the experiment, we can’t know the answer.  But if any answer exists, it will be found in this direction.

References

[1] Meade T & the Medical Research Council's General Practice Research Framework. Thrombosis Prevention Trial: randomised trial of low-intensity oral anticoagulation with warfarin and low-dose aspirin in the primary prevention of ischaemic heart disease in men at increased risk.  Lancet 1998;351:233-41.

[2] Francis H, Smith D. The Fed: a history of the South Wales miners in the twentieth century. London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1980.

[3] Greider W. One world, ready or not: the manic logic of global capitalism. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1997.

[4] Schweitzer, Stuart [prof of health services, UCLA]. Pharmaceutical economics and policy. Oxford: OUP, 1997.

[5] Editorial. Case for free access to fundamental data. Lancet 1999;353:1721.

[6] Hart JT. Society for Social Medicine Cochrane lecture 1997: What evidence do we need for Evidence-Based Medicine? Journal of Epidemiology & Community Medicine 1997;51:623-9.

[7] Cartwright A, Anderson R. General practice revisited: a second study of patients and their doctors. London: Tavistock Publications, 1981.

[8] Aylin P, Majeed F A, Cook DG. Home visiting by general practitioners in England & Wales. British Medical Journal 1996;313:207-10.

[9].Cartwright A. General practice revisited: a second study of patients and their doctors. London: Tavistock Publications, 1981.

[10].Fox T. The personal doctor. Lancet 1960;i:743-60.

[11].Gray DJP. The key to personal care. Journal of the Royal College of General Practice 1979;29:666-78.

[12] Hart JT. Two paths for medical practice. Lancet 1992;340:772-5.

[13] Hart JT. Going for Gold: a new approach to primary medical care in the South Wales Valleys.  Third revision. March 1999, ISBN: 18405400. Available from WIHSC, Glyntaff Campus, University of Glamorgan, Pontypridd CF37 1DL.