OWNERSHIP IN PUBLIC HEALTH SERVICES: OUR
MOST DIFFICULT PROBLEM, OUR GREATEST
Lecture to
I am most
grateful to Cecily Kelleher, and honoured by your University, for inviting me and
my wife Mary to visit the West coast of
We are old
friends, because Cecily was central director for the UK Medical Research
Council’s Thrombosis Prevention Trial,[1] for
which our Glyncorrwg and Blaengwynfi practices, and our research team, led by
Mary, provided one of the two pilot sites for that large multicentre trial.
In 1986, when
the pilot trial began, its feasibility was a real question. We had to ask men aged 45-64 first to accept
screening to identify the top 20% of coronary risk. We then had to ask men thus identified to
accept randomisation either to treatment with low dose warfarin, or to
placebo. Aspirin was introduced later as
another variable, using a Latin square design, but at first the choice was
simply between warfarin and placebo.
Because this was a double blind trial, we had to ask them to accept that
staff would not know which group they had been randomised to, and that both
groups, would have to be subjected to venepunctures at least once every three
months, for at least five years.
Finally, we had to explain to them the nature of this trial in simple
terms allowing them a truly informed choice.
This entailed calling a spade a spade, or in this case, calling warfarin
rat poison, which in lay terms indeed it is.
This frankness proved fortunate. One of our first triallists was the
Council Rodent Officer for Blaengwynfi.
One year after
the pilot trial began, 85% of this target group was participating. Our men entered the trial for five years, but
because five years later the MRC was still recruiting more practices from its
General Practice Research Framework (GPRF), our men ended up serving 12 years
in the cause of science, not five. This
could easily have been anticipated, had anyone, including me, thought further
ahead from the standpoint of its participants, rather than its staff. In research as in clinical medicine, always
the same dominant mistake, and always the same dominant remedy: listen to the
patient.
As these 12
years rolled by, expected terminating events picked men from the trial one by
one. The first death taught all of us,
both participants and staff, how important it was to respect and enforce the
trial’s double-blind design. Had we
known from which group the first few deaths came, continued experiment would
have been impossible, however obvious it might seem that these could be chance
events. When a participant fell off his
horse, suffering fractured ribs and a dangerous haemopneumothorax, everyone,
both participants and staff, were sure he must be on warfarin. When the trial ended, we learned he was on
placebo. To perform experiments well we
have to learn that they really are experimental. We do them not to confirm an answer we
already suspect, but to create a useful new answer which does not yet exist.
Both patients
and staff learned from personal experience that randomised controlled trials
are the surest way to increase our small volume of measurable knowledge, and
reduce our still immeasurably vast ignorance.
Both patients and staff learned from personal experience the difference
between the certainties of precise engineering, and the measurable doubts of
hugely complex, and therefore uncertain human biology.
The results of
this trial added significantly to knowledge, owned by the world and accessible
to anyone who can use it. This would
have been so, whatever its results, so-called positive or so-called
negative. We knew more about how to help
people at the end of the trial, than we did at the beginning. We added to the cumulative pool of freely
shared, publicly owned knowledge.
Here endeth
the first lesson.
In retrospect,
historians will easily define the year 2000 as an economic and cultural world
transition. Within five or 10 years
either side, the leading edge of every economy and culture will move from
power-assisted but still dominantly physical labour producing material objects,
to mental labour producing knowledge and ideas, with machine production of
objects taken for granted.
Virtually all
our trial participants were either former coal miners, or came from coal-mining
families. Miners have always known that
all manual labour requires mental as well as physical skills. No clerk or company director would ever have
survived long underground, unless they learned very quickly much of which they
were previously ignorant. More slowly,
and much more painfully, miners learned that though people who live not from
what they own but from what they do, must sell their bodies to an owner for
most of their lives, they can and must retain ownership of their minds. They learned to keep their minds to
themselves, to develop ideas and a culture of their own.[2] With their own brains they learned a lesson
which owners are compelled by their ownership to forget: that though a few can
advance themselves one by one on the backs of their friends and neighbours, the
only sure path for either local communities or entire societies to advance is
together in solidarity, sharing social property rather than owning it. Their motivation to enter and remain in the
trial reflected that cultural maturity, and largely explains the difference
between the 85% participation rate achieved in our pilot, and the 60%
participation reached by the trial as a whole.
Everyone now
understands that machines can produce most material objects better than even
the most skilled human labour, either by hand or with powered assistance. Of course, most objects still need some human
labour for their production, but the future is already clear: no manual skill is
now indispensable, elimination of human labour from every material production
process will increase, and even the most skilled manual workers will
increasingly.be compelled to defend whatever jobs remain by negotiating their
own retreat, as the automated machine army advances irresistibly to occupy the
world they had learned to live in.[3]
The economic
and cultural effects on the huge majority of the human race who live from what
they do rather than what they own are comparable with the effects of the industrial
revolution: For all communities previously engaged in heavy industry they are
initially devastating, particularly for male culture. In every sense, their past strengths suddenly
seem useless and irrelevant. For young
men particularly, their inherited basis for self-respect has disintegrated.
Obviously the
only growing future for human employment in commodity production must lie in
what machines cannot do: that is, production of new knowledge, experimental
discovery and design. This is an area of
value production which has only recently begun to be taken seriously as a field
for profitable investment. Even in
Production for profit depends on private ownership of property. Production of knowledge as a commodity for sale, or even as a raw material for production of such commodities, depends on private ownership of intellectual property. There is an inescapable and absolute contradiction between production of knowledge for the whole world to share, the bedrock of all universities throughout history, and production of knowledge for corporate use, constrained by commercial secrecy and distorted by search for profit. This presents obvious problems for the integrity and credibility of universities, but it also poses serious problems for corporate industry. Scientific advance depends on human imagination, modified by collective criticism and free access to all available evidence, and motivated by curiosity and ambition to leave the world better than it was when we entered it. Of course these qualities require material support, and to the extent that corporate interests concentrate wealth, they must somehow provide that. The simplest and most cost-effective way to do this is by paying taxes.
Free imagination and open access to knowledge require protection from corporate interests and corporate culture, with public access to knowledge protected from speculators in intellectual property. Some major players at the centre of life sciences-based industry recognise the necessity of compromise in this field.[5] A consortium including the Wellcome Trust has set up a two year £28 million program to create a map of genetic markers available free to all researchers, to encourage rational development of new medications. So in the research field, two entirely different and opposed concepts of intellectual property co-exist, neither entirely at peace, nor openly at war, but hopefully in states of wary mutual respect for the immediately foreseeable future.
Here endeth the second lesson.
For primary care in the
I have no illusions about why a large majority of
our medical civil servants and hospital specialists have long privately
supported salaries for GPs. Most of them
want efficient line management, with GPs working to guidelines set by currently
fashionable concepts of Evidence-Based Medicine depending only on evidence from
a literature dominated by evidence framed within the perspectives of secondary
care and laboratory science, almost insensitive to experience from primary care
as it has actually had to be practised, and virtually ignoring the evidence
brought to clinical decisions by patients.[6]
UK GPs now generally accept that a salaried service
is eventually inevitable. Independent
contractor status is now so tightly managed, allowing so little real
independence, that the game’s hardly worth the candle. But though they see the writing on the wall,
very few hasten toward that future. Like
all skilled workers, they want to retain control over their product as long as
they can. They’ve seen ownership of
their work and workplace as the only way to defend their autonomy.In this they
are mistaken. What have they gained from
their autonomy? Yes, some could organise
practice to maximise profit, but that was at best irrelevant and at worst inimical
to their scope for effective clinical decisions, and in any case I don’t
believe this provides the main reason for GP resistance in the areas of
post-industrial dereliction or rural poverty where even the possibility of
salaried service is most likely to arise.
Their real gains were to work in their own way, sensitive to patients’
complex and uniquely personal needs.
They said and believed these attributes would disappear if they ever
became part of a salaried public service machine. Well, they are disappearing, not under
pressure from impersonal bureaucrats, but from the ruthless logic of small
business based on serious decisions taken at 5-10 minute intervals, using
perfunctory evidence. Hardly any GPs now
visit their patients in hospital, though this is valued by patients more than
any other single activity.[7] Home
visits by GPs in
For GPs to regain control over their work, they need
to give up their material ownership of the service. This is because in reality they never
performed this work on their own. Health production through primary care -
healthier births, lives, and deaths – depends on joint work by two sets of
experts, staff and patients. Optimal
effectiveness and efficiency in primary care depend on developing patients as
co-producers rather than as consumers.[12] It follows that for these two groups to
achieve a useful sense of ownership and responsibility for their joint work,
the resources needed for this must be publicly owned by us all.
In the
Going for Gold is much more than a plan for salaried
service. It’s a plan for public
ownership of primary care, not as a centrally owned and directed nationalised
industry, but as a value-producing but not commodity-producing enterprise owned
and operated so far as possible by the community it serves. Included in its perspective is production of
new knowledge through participation in teaching and research, using the
cumulative database generated by proactively organised patient care. Through this we aim to attract new
science-based industries to replace coal, using the brains of a population once
valued only for its manual skills, and then grudgingly.
Is all this possible? Till we’ve done the
experiment, we can’t know the answer.
But if any answer exists, it will be found in this direction.
References
[1] Meade T & the Medical Research
Council's General Practice Research Framework. Thrombosis Prevention Trial:
randomised trial of low-intensity oral anticoagulation with warfarin and
low-dose aspirin in the primary prevention of ischaemic heart disease in men at
increased risk. Lancet 1998;351:233-41.
[2] Francis H, Smith D. The Fed:
a history of the
[3] Greider W. One world, ready
or not: the manic logic of global capitalism.
[4] Schweitzer, Stuart [prof of health services, UCLA]. Pharmaceutical economics and policy.
[5] Editorial. Case for free access to fundamental data. Lancet 1999;353:1721.
[6] Hart JT. Society for Social Medicine Cochrane lecture 1997: What
evidence do we need for Evidence-Based Medicine? Journal of Epidemiology & Community Medicine 1997;51:623-9.
[7] Cartwright A, Anderson R. General
practice revisited: a second study of patients and their doctors.
[8] Aylin P, Majeed F A, Cook DG. Home
visiting by general practitioners in
[9].Cartwright A. General practice revisited: a second study of patients and their
doctors.
[10].Fox T. The personal doctor. Lancet 1960;i:743-60.
[11].Gray DJP. The key to personal care. Journal of the Royal
[12] Hart JT. Two paths for medical practice. Lancet 1992;340:772-5.
[13] Hart JT. Going for Gold: a
new approach to primary medical care in the